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Fusilier Thomas: A Forgotten Victim

It was the reasoned crisis of his soul

Against more days of inescapable thrall


        S.I.W., Wilfred Owen

Official records tend to be dry, perfunctory and prosaic. Documents like Director of Operations Brief, Duty Officer Report or Brigade Intelligence Summary may catalogue moments of violence and destruction but the words rarely convey context or the impact on ordinary lives. The words may mean even less many years later unless they are read by those involved or those impacted by the events. Nevertheless, every now and again a simple line screams for a life lost and for a story untold:

“Fus. TG Thomas died of self-inflicted wounds in his living quarters at Girdwood Park camp”[1]

This was a War Diary entry by the 2nd Battalion of the British Army’s Royal Regiment of Fusiliers (2RRF) on Tuesday 25th January 1972[2] [access archive].

Why had I never heard or read of Fusilier Thomas’s death?

I have examined boxes of archives and trawled files relating to that particular time and part of north Belfast. My grandmother, Kathleen Irvine, was murdered along 14 other civilians – men, women and children – in McGurk’s Bar on 4th December 1971 so I have devoted much of my adult life to study of that period. I have researched the British Army unit positioned in the area too and not only because of what we know that they did that night.

Soldiers of C Company of 2RRF arrived at the devastating scene of the bombing and threw their weapons into the back of a PIG armoured vehicle before digging with their bare hands, shoulder-to-shoulder with the local residents. The soldiers’ swift actions that night, along with the actions of the people of the New Lodge and emergency services, meant that over a dozen lives were saved.

In my book I recount the experience of one of the victim’s young grandsons at his grandfather’s wake:

“Amid all this misery, there were flashes of humanity
 Robert McClenaghan, then only 12 years of age, remembers a knock on the door of his grandparents’ Stanhope Drive home. Two young British soldiers from the 2nd Battalion Royal Regiment of Fusiliers stood there and asked if they may pay their respects. Robert remembers how well groomed they were and, of course, the shock of a red and white hackle[3] on their head. They took their soft berets off and came into the home. After engaging the family members politely, they stood with heads bowed and rifles upturned at Phil’s coffin in silence, paid their respects and left. Even though their headquarters were just around the corner in Glenravel, this was still a very brave and supremely human response that has not been forgotten by the family and Robert especially: ‘When you think how vicious and bad the conflict got
 these two young soldiers were still trying to be human in the middle of it’.”[4]

Fusilier Thomas’s death immediately resonated with me and not simply because I wondered what drove this young soldier to kill himself.

The strains of being stationed in that part of Belfast amid a conflagration could undoubtedly take its toll but I wondered whether his death had also become entwined in the horror of the McGurk’s Bar massacre the month before. Had Fusilier Thomas been one of the British soldiers who had dug with their bare hands and dragged bodies from the rubble? Had he seen sights that night that he could not shake from his mind?

Of course I knew other causes could have made him feel there was no escape. He may have been bullied or he may have had a history of mental illness. “The mind…” as my other granny used to say, “is a fragile thing”. Perhaps, I thought, memory more fragile still.

His name was not in Lost Lives, the epic, humbling, literary monument to the men, women and children killed during the conflict. So, I visited the newspaper archives behind Belfast Central Library just on the off-chance I could find any mention of his death although I did not expect to as the researchers of Lost Lives would have already picked up on it and included it in their tome.

But no, scanning the pages I finally came across mention of his death and realised why it may not have been included in the book. In the Belfast Telegraph for the 26th January 1972, Fusilier Thomas’s death is indeed recorded – almost in passing – but the article tells us that he died in an accidental shooting, not that he committed suicide. In the British military, there is a great difference between self-inflicted wounds (SIW) and an accidental, mortal injury.

Nevertheless, this is how the British Army reported it and how it was accepted but the army’s own secret records tell a very different story. This though is an old story and very current still – the British Army continues to try to bury stories of mental illness amid its ranks, especially post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and suicide due to military experiences.

The British Army of today supposedly releases its losses to suicide but that is not the whole story, for these figures only record the number of deaths of serving soldiers. What about those soldiers who return home though and then feel that life is too difficult to face?

Toby Harnden in his exposé for Panorama, Broken By Battle, which was shown in July 2013, recorded that the British Army lost more serving soldiers (21) and veterans (29) to suicide in 2012 than it did to fighting the Taliban in Afghanistan during the same period (40 combat losses and 4 accidental).

I am lucky to be in with contact with English author, Ken Wharton. Ken’s books are an oral history based mainly on accounts from British soldiers. As an ex- British squaddie who served in the north of Ireland, Ken writes very much from that perspective – and unashamedly so. His books, as well as giving voice to these perspectives also commemorate the British soldiers who served and died here. I know that Ken tends to this long list of fallen with great diligence and the utmost respect so I contacted him about Fusilier Thomas’s death.

Ken had indeed a record of his death but only information that he had died by “by violent or unnatural causes”. In fact, he had not got information of Fusilier Thomas’s Battalion so we were able to fill in this and his cause of death as recorded by 2RRF’s War Diary.

As I discovered from Ken too, Fusilier Thomas’s personal story is but one of many hundreds of stories yet to be told.

Official figures for the number of British Army dead during Operation Banner are that 763 British soldiers died in violent confrontations during active service here.  Nevertheless, Ken’s list accounts for 1334 souls. This includes 217 deaths by road traffic accident, 54 violent or unnatural causes (including Fusilier Thomas), 60 accidental and 129 unknown causes of death. This accounts for 460 soldiers although Ken’s very personal Roll of Honour also includes over 5 dozen former members of UDR and nearly 3 dozen close family members and civilian workers. This total is equivalent to twice more than were killed in active service during the Falklands conflict.

The 460 deaths of serving British soldiers alone accounts for 60% more than official figures.

Of these horrific figures, Ken is aware of over 70 suicides which in turn is equivalent to about 10% on top of Britain’s official killed-in-action figures. Think about that for a moment.

These startling figures and the disparity with official numbers resonate all the more because hundreds of British men and women have been expunged from the record and forgotten by all except those who loved them.

Regardless of our background, creed or political belief, this is a disgrace. I asked Ken how he, his comrades and their families felt about this grave disparity.

“How do we feel about the lack of recognition for our fallen – all 1,334 of them – and the fact that we appear to be forgotten soldiers in a forgotten war?  Angry, bitter, disappointed; we feel that to a man.”

If you think that these figures should not be included along with those killed in action, ask yourself whether these people would have died had they not been here. Would 20 year old Fusilier Terry Thomas have taken his own life?

One dawn, our wire patrol
Carried him. This time, Death had not missed.
We could do nothing but wipe his bleeding cough.
Could it be accident? – Rifles go off…
Not sniped? No. (Later they found the English ball.)

It was the reasoned crisis of his soul
Against more days of inescapable thrall,
Against infrangibly wired and blind trench wall
Curtained with fire, roofed in with creeping fire,
Slow grazing fire, that would not burn him whole
But kept him for death’s promises and scoff,
And life’s half-promising, and both their riling.

With him they buried the muzzle his teeth had kissed,
And truthfully wrote the mother, ‘Tim died smiling.’

­S.I.W., Wilfred Owen

Fusilier Terry Thomas from Norwich, England, was born on 5th November 1951 and died on 25th January 1972 in Belfast. Today is the 42nd anniversary of his death. He is as much a victim of our war and should be recognised as such.

 

References:
Read the 2RRF War Diary entry regarding Fusilier Thomas’s death here

Read the Belfast Telegraph article from 26th January 1972 here


[1] He is recorded as Terry Neil Thomas in the newspaper clipping below.

[2] WO 305/4277

[3] Hackles are the plumes that some regiments of the British Army wear on a beret. 2RRF’s hackle is red and white.

[4] The McGurk’s Bar Bombing: Collusion, Cover-Up and a Campaign for Truth, page 30

Categories
Blog Event

Re-Branding British-Irish Rights Watch

The retirement of Jane Winter from British Irish Rights Watch at the end of 2012 was a great loss to many campaigning families in Ireland, Great Britain and beyond.

 

Jane Winter, British Irish Rights WatchJane and the independent organisation she helped found was a bulwark against State intransigence and lies. I personally shall miss her sober and clinical advice usually given via email in the wee hours, minutes after I had asked for it. She is tireless.

The great work she did will now be carried forward by Susan Bryant, a lawyer and human rights activist of international repute. The organisation will have the same vision and drive as before, but what better time for a re-brand and a website overhaul.

On Friday (31st May 2013), guests gathered in Belfast’s Bar Library – ironically, perhaps – for a dual launch: of a new name – Rights Watch UK – and of a new book by noted author, Susan McKay.

Esteemed Panel

Following wine and nibbles under the watchful gaze of the old British judges hanging on the walls, we listened to a panel discussion, chaired by Geraldine Scullion (trustee and co-founder of the organisation), regarding the limits of using the law to enforce human rights standards and the role non-governmental organisations (NGOs) can play in overcoming them.

The expert panel included Susan Bryant (Rights Watch UK), Brian Gormally (Director of Committee for the Administration of Justice), author Susan McKay, and the inimitable Niall Murphy, Senior Partner at Kevin Winters Solicitors.

Rights Watch UKGeraldine and Susan immediately set the correct tone for the event with an overview of the great work that British Irish Rights Watch has done and the important work that Rights Watch UK will continue to do.

Indeed, Rights Watch UK is needed now as much as ever. The event took place during a week when British internment and State bias was very much in the news. Marian Price was released after 2 years incarceration and investigators had discovered that Britain was running its own extra-legal mini-Guatanamo Bay in Camp Bastion – a Brit-Gitmo as it was hailed in Helmand, Afghanistan. Just that day in a court nearby, we learned that the Chief Constable of the so-called reformed Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) had hand-picked a team made up of former members of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) Special Branch to review, redact and manage evidence in some of the most controversial killings by the Security Forces during the conflict. Not only did we have a situation where former members were gate-keeping information given to families involving an organisation they served, but the officers had served with many of the police and Security Force witnesses. In fact, one officer – breathtakingly – knew 52 potential inquest witnesses. He was charged with reading and redacting information to be disclosed to the families of those shot dead (no doubt, in cases, by men with whom he worked)!

Reality Check

Niall gave us a reality check too when he told the audience how disenfranchised our families still feel when dealing with organisations such as the Historical Enquiries Team (HET) and the Office of the Police Ombudsman of Northern Ireland (OPONI). Nevertheless, with the support of Rights Watch UK and other NGOs, we believed our voices were getting louder. Our families could attest to this as could the Finucane family who were represented at the event by the indomitable Geraldine, wife of Pat, and his son, John.

He reminded us too that Rights Watch UK offers much more than independent advice and support for families and their legal team. The organisation also offers a form of pastoral care together with their acute experience. This was best exemplified when Niall and the family of teenager, Gerard Lawlor, wished to mark the family’s on-going battle with the State and the tenth anniversary of the youth’s murder. With the organisation’s great support, the family launched a community inquiry to hold the authorities to account. I attended the family’s events and thought it poignant to write about their case in New Police Service, Old Story, as I recognised many of their battles as our own.

Rightly, Brian Gormally recalled our minds to the preamble of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: “Whereas it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law”. CAJ shared a similar evolution to Rights Watch UK, of course. They were defenders during a conflict when the State gave its Security Services huge power. They offered advice during peace talks and fought for the Good Friday Agreement to include content regarding human rights and equality. Now, they are fighting to make a rights-based society a reality and to ensure there is no roll-back by the State from these rights-based commitments.

This is a Morality Tale

Renowned author, Susan McKay, then talked about her book, Rights Watch UK: From Belfast to Basra, which is launched to coincide with re-branding of Rights Watch UK. It is dedicated to the late Angela Hickey, a co-founder and avid supporter of British Irish Rights Watch and includes an introduction by Gareth Peirce, internationally renowned human rights activist. It opens with Gareth’s weighty words: “This is a morality tale” and the book is not only a history of the organisation but also a road map for the future for collusion is systemic and never in isolation. We attest to the organisation’s historically significant caseloads and read about Baha Mousa’s murder beside the Ballymurphy Massacre and the State murder of human rights lawyer, Pat Finucane. A chapter on the Good Friday Agreement offers hope of what can be accomplished but we are warned not to be complacent: a chapter on the so-called War on Terror and human rights abuses by the State today treads on its coat-tail. A common thread runs throughout.

Regardless of our background or political opinions, Rights Watch UK exhorts that we should be mindful: there is no such thing as a good or bad victim of human rights abuses… just a victim of human rights abuses.

Many thanks to Susan and Rights Watch UK for organising this event and our invitation to it. We wish the organisation continued success and will look forward to working with you in the future.

If you have not already, readers are encouraged to pick up British Irish Rights Watch’s ground-breaking report, Deadly Intelligence (1999), regarding State involvement in Loyalist murder in Northern Ireland.

Categories
Blog Family Party Politics

McGurk’s Bar and the Theatre of the Absurd

“When will the most recent report of the investigation into the McGurk’s Bar bombing be made public?” 

Michael Connarty, nephew of Philip Garry, the eldest victim of the McGurk's Bar bombing.This was a simple question tabled for the British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland today by Michael Connarty, Labour MP for Linlithgow and East Falkirk.

Michael is the nephew of the oldest victim of the McGurk’s Bar bombing, Philip Garry, who was 73 when he was murdered on 4th December 1971.

Well… *sighs* it seems that the British government thought that he was talking about the Police Ombudsman report which was published in February 2011 and which was refused by the Chief constable of Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) in the hours following its publication.

This is despite the fact that the Police Ombudsman’s office is a statutory body that has been set up to hold the police – past and present – to account. It is in place as members of our community are still learning to trust the police due to the actions of the Royal Ulster Constabulary. If we consider the likes of Operation Ballast, the investigation into the murder of Gerard Lawlor, parades, the flag debacle and the political policing of PSNI, it may seem to some that little has changed, of course.

Somehow this simple question got lost in translation as Michael Connarty MP was referring to the Historical Enquiries Team (HET) report which has yet to be published. After intervention by the MP in December 2012 again on the floor of the House of Commons, the HET told the families hours later that they had now finished their report after all even though it had taken them nearly seven years to complete by that stage.  The report also followed two very incomplete, unprofessional reports before it which had to be re-written by HET.

Through The Looking Glass… AGAIN

Nevertheless, the families were not to be given any sight of the HET report even though they have waited of 41 years for even a scrap of truth and justice. Instead, HET passed their report BACK to the Police Ombudsman due to the interference of the Chief Constable of PSNI. Through our solicitor, Kevin Winters, we have had to track the journey of this report over the past couple of months as if it was a hot potato getting thrown from office to office.

We then received a response from the office of the Police Ombudsman to say that it has since passed this HET report back to… wait for it… the Chief Constable of PSNI!

It now sits on Matt Baggott’s table and the families STILL have not had sight of it. This is what the British government should have answered for in the British House of Commons. So STILL our families are left in limbo.

I will post the transcript of the proceedings soon as it is a measure of the absurdity which we continue to face. Like clockwork, the debate ended with the usual Unionist whataboutery, this time from the son of Ian Paisley, regarding the actions of the Irish Republican Army even though these had little to do with our individual report. At least we can depend on certain Unionists for consistency, although for once it may have been a welcome change if they had supported the families of ordinary civilians who were killed… regardless of their faith… or in spite of their faith.

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Family Party Politics Press

HET Shunts McGurk’s Bar Investigation BACK at the Police Ombudsman

The Historical Enquiries Team (HET) has finally completed the McGurk’s Bar Report
 and referred it BACK to the Police Ombudsman. (Post on behalf of the McGurk’s Bar Commemoration Committee)

On Thursday 6th December, Labour MP, Michael Connarty, urged the British Prime Minister to apologise to the families of the McGurk’s Bar victims and order a “proper investigation”. A few hours later, the Historical Enquiries Team (HET) finally said that they had completed their report after more than 6 years. The HET has informed the families, though, that it has to refer it back to the Police Ombudsman’s Office for it to review before they have sight of it.

Tuesday 4th December was the 41st anniversary of the McGurk’s Bar atrocity which resulted in the death of 15 civilians – men, women and children – 3 weeks before Christmas, 1971. To commemorate their loved ones, the families of the McGurk’s Bar Commemoration Committee organised two events on two consecutive days to engage politicians of two parliaments and the public. At Stormont on the anniversary and Westminster on the 5th December, the families launched the hard-hitting book, The McGurk’s Bar Bombing: Collusion, Cover-Up and a Campaign for Truth, written by Ciarán MacAirt, a grandson of one of the victims.

Michael onnarty, nephew of Philip Garry, the eldest victim of the McGurk's Bar bombing.Both events proved highly successful. Westminster was notable, especially for the personal recollections that Michael Connarty (right), Labour MP for Linlithgow and East Falkirk, had of his “Uncle Philly”, 73 year-old Philip Garry, the eldest person who was killed in the bombing.

Ciarán MacAirt, grandson of Kathleen Irvine who was murdered in the attack said “Mr Connarty heard that the families are waiting for the HET to report six years after it began investigating, and almost two years after PSNI Chief Constable Matt Baggott unilaterally announced there were no more investigative opportunities. Mr Connarty promised those who attended the event that he would do everything in his power to raise awareness of the families’ ongoing campaign although few could have hoped he would act so swiftly and forcibly.”

The following morning in the House of Commons, Mr Connarty asserted: “There was collusion and it was clearly the British government, possibly up to the then prime minister Edward Heath, who colluded” before urging the British Prime Minister to apologise to the families and order a proper investigation.

Later that day, the Senior Investigating Officer of the HET review team contacted the families to say that their “report has gone through the editorial process and has now been completed” but that “particular circumstances” meant that it had to be referred back to the Police Ombudsman. This was because [quote]:

  • The Chief Constable, Mr Matt Baggott, has direct line of Command for the HET
  • He was involved personally in the response to the PONI findings and recommendations and directed the HET to consider matters raised with him by PONI
  • He is obliged to let PONI consider what the HET has found to assess if it has any implications for their conclusions.

Ciarån MacAirt commented:

“We assumed that the HET were waiting for the book to be published and it may be coincidental that they are telling us they have completed on the day that a Labour MP who is also a family member of one of the victims has been applying so much political pressure in Westminster.”

“Obviously we are dismayed at further delay since it has had to be referred back to the new Police Ombudsman, Dr Michael Maguire. Nevertheless, we are hopeful that we will not suffer the same horrific journey that we experienced with the previous Police Ombudsman, Al Hutchinson. The McGurk’s Bar Commemoration Committee have instructed me, though, to send a copy of our book to Dr Maguire to remind him just how long we have waited for the truth and how badly the families have been let down by those in authority”.

Categories
Press

MI5 in the Frame for McGurk’s Disinformation

This latest archive find by the families, detailed below, is a HQNI INTSUM (Intelligence Summary) that records a second piece of British black propaganda and its attempts to brand the innocent victims terrorists. Spectacularly, in what must be a massive goof by the British Ministry of Defence, the families have been able to trace the lies back to MI5.

We should never have been able to retrieve this decisive and historic piece of evidence.

HQNI INTSUMs were prepared in Lisburn Headquarters by a team under the Director of Intelligence. Other archive evidence in our possession relates that this man was a Security Service officer, an MI5 operative. For his role in the north of Ireland in 1971 he assumed the equivalent military rank of Major General. Furthermore, we learn he ran a department made up of other MI5 operatives and military officers. He liaised daily with the RUC, especially its Special Branch, “to co-ordinate the intelligence gathering efforts of the various elements of the security forces operating… at the time”. Black propaganda was drip-fed through intelligence information streams such as these HQNI INTSUMs, disseminated not only throughout the intelligence community but also lofty Whitehall. MI5 were seeking to dupe their own paymasters in 10 Downing Street so they could wage their war in Ireland as they saw fit and without political interference.

This was how easy it was to synchronize the psychological operation of the McGurk’s Bar Massacre. Our families’ basic human rights meant as little as perverting the course of justice.

Then again, we were of a particular faith.

Read Allison Morris’ ground-breaking article in the Irish News: here

“McGurk’s cover-up justified nationalist-only Internment: MI5 involved in pretext of IRA own-goal claim”

Categories
Party Politics Press

MI5 Black Propaganda

This latest archive find (click here to read) is from a British army Headquarters Northern Ireland Intelligence Summary (HQNI INTSUM), dated 9th December 1971, 5 days after the McGurk’s Bar Massacre. It represents British black propaganda in stark terms as they seek to criminalize innocent civilians to fit twisted military strategy.

HQNI INTSUMS were written by British army Intelligence and MoD London and distributed province-wide throughout the military and RUC. We have since asked for the Brigade INTSUMS as these were the raw intelligence fed up through Brigade and supplemented by RUC Special Branch before it was managed, ignored or re-written by the British Intelligence services. I have already fore-warned the MoD that we will be looking for any differences between the two.

The first piece of black propaganda was promulgated in an RUC duty officer’s report on the 5th December 1971 and released by the families last year. In it the groundless “bomb-in-transit” lie was forwarded. This archive find is startling too as it depicts another dimension to British black propaganda and psychological operations.

In section 6, HQNI muddy the waters of the McGurk’s bomb claim and ignore key witness testimony before stating bluntly:

Forensic and EOD reports (Explosive Ordnance Disposal) tend to indicate that the explosion was caused accidentally inside the public house by premature detonation amongst a group which contained an identified IRA victim.

Obviously this is yet another heinous lie. Not only are they asserting that at least one of the victims was an IRA member and therefore complicit in their own demise but forensics were not released until February 1972. In no way did the forensic report substantiate any such lie. Also, we have proved in the Director of Operations Brief (5th December 1971) which we, the families, found, that the Army Technical Officers (ATO) told their General Officer Commanding, Lt. General Sir Harry Tuzo, that the bomb was not inside the main bar area.

This HQNI INTSUM, therefore, is the infamous lie that had the customers being schooled in bomb-making skills. The British authorities and RUC imply that our loved ones were at the very least guilty by association if not complicit in acts of terrorism. Either way, they intimate that the victims had a hand in their own death.

In a modern example of information feed and media control, it was left to the Guardian to produce the most profligate and dissolute article on Christmas Eve 1971:

“Security men and forensic scientists have finished the grisly investigation of the explosion in Paddy McGurk’s Bar, which killed at least 15 Belfast Catholics earlier this month. If they are to be believed – and in this case they probably are – this figure will have to be revised upwards. They claim to have established that five men were standing round the bomb when it went off inside the crowded bar in North Queen Street. All five were blown to pieces.

“The scientists have been able to identify one of them as a senior IRA man who was an expert on explosives and was on the government’s wanted list.

“Of all the conflicting theories about the explosion, the security men are now convinced that the bar was a transfer point in the IRA chain between the makers and the planters of the bomb. Something went wrong and the bomb exploded.”

As this lie also gathered momentum throughout the province, the real culprits within the UVF counter-gang escaped justice with little fear that they would be apprehended.

SIMPLY PUT, THIS IS A PERVERSION OF THE COURSE OF JUSTICE AND AN ABASEMENT OF BASIC HUMAN RIGHTS.

A massive find this may be but evidently nothing in comparison with the information that is being withheld from the families at the moment. The document was undoubtedly fed to us piecemeal instead of more damning archives.

In the News

Read Kieran Hughes’ North Belfast News report: here

Alban Maginness MLA has voiced his support: here

Categories
Party Politics Press

Police Ombudsman Fiasco

The release and abortion of the Police Ombudsman’s report (8.7.10) into the Royal Ulster Constabulary’s (RUC) investigation of the McGurk’s Bar Massacre was an ill-conceived, unmitigated fiasco. The report and their media stage-management was Kafkaesque at its most benign.

The Police Ombudsman railroaded our families, many of whom are aged, into this very public miscarriage. Without reference to any of them or respect for their very human grief and fears that this process was seriously flawed, Mr. Al Hutchinson tried to bury this report before Orangefest.

His office’s treatment of the families who collected the report at an allotted time merely added grievous insult to injury. These are bereaved relatives who have fought constitutionally and with dignity for nearly four decades for the truth and have waited patiently for over four years for this so-called investigation to conclude.

Thankfully, it was a desk-top review, riddled with so many grave blunders that Mr. Hutchinson could do nothing but retract it. To his detriment, he had also underestimated the resilience and fluency of ordinary families in their management of information distribution channels and the media.

Not only has this debacle highlighted glaring problems in the Ombudsman’s standard operating procedures, but also crises in the organisation itself.

It is true that the Ombudsman’s office is under-staffed and under-funded. It is also true that the choice between policing the past and and policing the future is stark.

Nevertheless, neither surprise this author. The Police Ombudsman’s office, regardless of the fanfare of so-called independence, is a British organisation set up partly to review the excesses of a British police force in the past. As far as these legacy cases are concerned it is reviewing a police force that surrendered itself to British military primacy. Its remit, though, does not include investigation of this military so it is immediately stunted and powerless. Why would a so-called democratic, first world, western country wish to fund or empower any organisation to uncover evidence that it, in effect, killed its own citizens, controlled the media and misdirected a malleable police force?

A sizeable section of the public also believe that the past is past and should be consigned to there, especially in these trying economic times. Nevertheless, this is not simply about closure for fellow human beings. History informs the present and, from it, future generations learn its mores and moral obligations. If we do not uncover the abuses now, this rogue British state will be free to violate human rights any time, anywhere in the world.

Emotions aside, I believe that the damage done to any credibility the Ombudsman had is irreparable. In any other walk-of-life, this lack of professionalism, this shambolic incompetence, would be disciplined as negligence. The same performance tests that apply in the real world should resonate here too.

Mr. Hutchinson now pays lip-service to our anguish and disquiet but I believe it is too late. I think that it matters little whether this report is corrected and published or not. If he alters it, then commentators could argue viably that he reacted to undue family pressure. If he does not, then it is yet another body blow to the bereaved. Neither outcome assures the public of his office’s impartiality or effectiveness. Neither helps our campaign for truth satisfactorily.

What we need is a truly international, independent and transparent investigation with powers of subpoena. No British organisation will be empowered to give us the truth concerning a British war crime.

Therefore, I for one have no confidence whatsoever in anything Mr. Hutchinson wants to say or any duty his office performs.

Police Ombudsman Fiasco in the News
 

What other family members had to say:

“It smacks of the police trying to absolve themselves of all responsibility for any wrong-doing” – Patrick McGurk to the BBC: report here

“It’s the proper thing to do for the ombudsman to take this report back and have a look at it seriously” – Alex McLaughlin to the BBC: report here

“This is a slap in the face for the victims’ families” – Gerard Keenan in the Belfast Telegraph: report here

“This was the mass murder of fifteen innocent victims whose good names and reputations have been tarnished for the past forty years by those who… were supposed uphold the rule of law, not manipulate the facts for their own twisted political ends” – Pat Irvine to the North Belfast News (Aine McEntee, 10.7.2010)

“We need a full, independent investigation into what happened, not a report which is basically old police officers investigating old police officers” – Robert McClenaghan to the Andersonstown News.

What the politicians said:

“It is now necessary for the Prime Minister to apologize directly to the families for the monumental act of deceit” – SDLP’s Justice spokesperson and MLA, Alban Magennis: report here.

“It has caused justifiable anger and it is only right that the Ombudsman bins this deeply-flawed report” – Sinn FĂ©in’s North Belfast MLA, Gerry Kelly.

Categories
Press

Secret Documents Shed Light on Shadowy Force

Following from a lead story in the Irish News (Allison Morris, 3.3.10):
 
Army knew about two of the Disappeared 38 years ago

The documents unearthed by Justice for the Forgotten and the Pat Finucane Centre and offered to the McGurk’s campaigners have proved invaluable to our research of the MRF (Irish News 3.3.10).

Their immediate importance is startling if only because they have cast light upon this shadowy offshoot of the SAS and the dirty war they waged against Catholic civilians in the early seventies: British army plain-clothed, patrols, the deployment of “enemy” weapons and the management of “Freds”, or turned informers, like Seamus Wright and Kevin McKee, are discussed openly.

The MRF’s two leaders, Captain James Alastair McGregor and Sergeant Clive Graham Williams, are now in focus due to their shooting of four unarmed civilians on the Glen Road on June 22nd 1972. They had used an “unapproved” weapon in the attack, a Thompson SMG, favoured by the IRA at the time, and Palace barracks had tried initially to cover up British army involvement. Also under the spotlight is the British authorities’ cynical defence brief and information policy regarding the incident, never mind their contemptible acquittal of the pair in 1973.

These are the same two covert operatives that we have demanded for years are questioned regarding black ops at the time of the McGurk’s Bar Massacre and beyond. In one of the military documents Captain James Alastair McGregor is recorded “as leader/commander of the MRF in Belfast”. It is essential, therefore, that he is questioned as McGregor’s MRF, we believe, planned the operation that lead to the death of these fifteen innocent men, women and children on the 4th December 1971.

It was an atrocity that showcased not only the potency of British collusion with their UVF counter-gang but also British control of the media, the RUC and malleable cabinet ministers. I believe, though, that the greater significance of these documents is manifest when we consider the attempted murders in their historical context.

The McGurk’s Bar Massacre, as discussed on our campaign website, was a bloody marker of how badly Catholic civilians were going to suffer in any escalation of war. The first few months of 1972 proved that further still as the North sank into an ever-increasing spiral of death and destruction. Nevertheless, there may have been a glimmer of hope that peace would break out when the IRA announced on the 22nd June 1972, two days after secret meetings with British officials from William Whitelaw’s office, that they would call a ceasefire from the 26th, four days later. This, of course, was the bi-lateral truce that was a prelude to IRA talks with the British government in London on the 7th July 1972.

On the day that the IRA announced their ceasefire, the British military had unfettered their MRF death squad and randomly tried to kill the four unarmed civilians in the incident on the Glen Road detailed above. They not only conspired to stoke further sectarian violence at a time when civilians may have hoped for peace, but also connived to ensure their covert operatives were never to be held accountable in a fair court of law.

Then on the 23rd June 1972 in North Belfast, just one day later and in another attempt at mass murder, a young 17 year old, called Patrick McCullough, was murdered in a copy-cat drive-by shooting of a group of Catholic youths whose age or sex was of little concern for the assassins – even a 14 year old girl was wounded in the neck.

Whether it was the MRF or their UVF counter-gang who perpetrated this killing is moot because the political intentions, the modus operandi and the terror were the same – certain sections of the British military obviously wished to thwart any burgeoning peace process.

Their success, in their own terms, was immediate. The truce collapsed and July 1972 became a graveyard for hope as all sides escalated the horror – nearly 100 souls were killed, amounting to the most violent month in the history of a war that lasted another generation.

CiarĂĄn MacAirt, 7th March 2010

Categories
Press

Colonel claimed Irish News was IRA mouthpiece

Allison Morris, Irish News, 29th October 2009

 

A briefing document written almost four decades ago by the British army’s then head of information, Colonel Maurice Tugwell, accused The Irish News of being an “organ for printing IRA propaganda”.

The document – dated November 9 1971 – was uncovered by the campaigning families of the victims of the McGurk’s Bar bombing in Belfast.

Just weeks before the loyalist bomb that claimed the lives of 15 innocent civilians exploded on December 4 at the North Queen Street bar, Tugwell prepared the confidential document. It gave his views on how to beat the IRA, not militarily but on the propaganda front by influencing public opinion.

The document said the IRA had been engaged in attempting “the destruction of public morale in Northern Ireland by a campaign of terror”. “At times it has came close to succeeding,” the colonel wrote.

Tugwell also listed a number of organisations and individuals he claimed were used as “front organisations”. “Republican sympathisers who, having themselves been taken in by the propaganda, are willing to spread the word,” he wrote. Among them Tugwell listed the Association for Legal Justice and several Catholic priests including the late Fr Denis Faul. He also said The Irish News was “a newspaper that has for long represented republican opinion in Ulster and is now an organ for printing IRA propaganda”.

Tugwell was known for his controversial insurgency tactics. Following the murder of 13 unarmed civilians by the Parachute Regiment on January 30 1972, Tugwell claimed four of the Bloody Sunday dead were IRA members. He went on to retract the statement in 2002 under questioning at the Saville inquiry. “Later, I am not sure when, I discovered that the allegation that four men were on a wanted list could not be sustained. It was an honest mistake,” he said.

Following the bombing of McGurk’s bar in December 1971 the British army and RUC released false information claiming the bombing had been an IRA ‘own-goal’ and that the bomb had been placed in the bar for transportation to another target. Last year Secretary of State Shaun Woodward was forced to issue an apology to the victims’ families for the “erroneous” information circulated at the time by the British army and RUC.

Yesterday Irish News editor Noel Doran said Tugwell’s comments were “ludicrous”. “While at one level the comments from the British army source are amusing, it still has to be alarming that such ludicrous attitudes could be found at a senior level in the security establishment of the period,” Mr Doran said. “This was a time when The Irish News was holding the line for constitutional politics in very dangerous circumstances and being castigated by republican and loyalist extremists as a result. “Our office was wrecked by a republican bomb in 1971 and it was also separately entered at night by members of another republican group who threatened journalists at gunpoint precisely because the paper refused to carry their propaganda statements in the way they demanded. “I think that the Irish News staff of the era deserve the highest credit for their dedication and professionalism against the most challenging of backgrounds.”

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